There's a certain irony in the fact that Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak traveled to Saudi Arabia, of all places, within 24 hours of his administration's threat to use draconian measures to quell religious violence. His absence during a crisis is a mistake, as is his government's approach to it so far.

The "Allah" scandal is the most serious domestic challenge the Najib government has yet faced in its nine months in office. Since a High Court ruling two weeks ago allowed Christians to use the word "Allah" in their Malay-language publications, radical Islamists have capitalized on the fraught climate to intimidate Malaysians and push their agenda. Yesterday saw the 11th in a spate of incidents, with Molotov cocktails, bricks and stones hurled against churches, a convent school, and even a Sikh temple. Lawyers representing Christian plaintiffs have found their offices ransacked. No perpetrators have yet been caught.

So far, the ruling United Malays National Organization is trying to tramp down the violence in any way it can—except the right way, which is to abandon the hardline Islamism that has traditionally appealed to its political base. Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein went on national television Tuesday and threatened to use the Internal Security Act to detain people involved in playing up religious and racial tensions. Under Malaysian law, the government can detain a citizen indefinitely with the Home Minister's permission.

Kuala Lumpur may want to look proactive. But such threats do nothing to address the underlying religious tensions in Malaysia. That would require UMNO to stop trying to out-Islam the opposition and whip up support from its majority Muslim base—as it did by challenging the "Allah" decision. Nor will pledging money to repair a damaged church solve anything. Buildings are easily rebuilt; the same is not true for interfaith relations. The government would be better served by allowing for a full and balanced discussion on the court case.

Talking about such issues is exactly what the country needs to do, as Paul Marshall from the Hudson Institute explains on a nearby page. Mr. Najib's predecessor, Abdullah Badawi, also understood this idea and tried to push UMNO in a more tolerant direction by advocating interfaith dialogue and reform of the judicial system. As an Islamic scholar, he had moral credibility. What he lacked was a sufficient power base within the party.

Mr. Najib, as the son of a former premier, is different; he has spent his entire life currying favor within UMNO and is seen as a stronger figure all around. Such strength could still be used to make progress where Mr. Abdullah did not. WSJ Online . Read this too, 'Allah' By Any Other Name.